Irish language – Wikipedia

“ Gaoidhealg ” redirects here. For the shared literary class that was in function from the thirteenth century to the 16th-18th centuries, see classical Gaelic
gaelic linguistic process spoken in Ireland and by irish people
Irish ( Gaeilge in Standard Irish ), sometimes referred to as Gaelic, [ 5 ] [ 6 ] [ 7 ] is a gaelic terminology of the Insular Celtic ramify of the Celtic speech family, which is a separate of the aryan language class. [ 8 ] [ 1 ] [ 3 ] [ 9 ] [ 5 ] Irish is autochthonal to the island of Ireland [ 10 ] and was the population ‘s first speech until the late eighteenth century. Although English has been the inaugural lyric of most residents of the island since the early on nineteenth century, Irish is spoken as a first terminology in broad areas of counties Cork, Donegal, Galway, and Kerry, deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as smaller areas of counties Mayo, Meath, and Waterford. It is besides spoken by a larger group of accustomed but non-traditional speakers, largely in urban areas where the majority are second-language speakers. daily users in the Republic of Ireland outside the department of education organization total around 73,000 ( 1.5 % ), and the sum number of persons ( aged 3 and all over ) who claimed they could speak Irish in April 2016 was 1,761,420, representing 39.8 % of respondents.

For most of record Irish history, Irish was the dominant allele speech of the irish people, who took it with them to early regions such as Scotland and the Isle of Man, where Middle Irish gave get up to Scottish Gaelic and Manx. It was besides for a period spoken wide across Canada, with an calculate 200,000–250,000 daily canadian speakers of Irish in 1890. [ 11 ] On the island of Newfoundland, a alone dialect of Irish developed. With a basic written kind known as Ogham dating back to at least the fourth century AD and written Irish in a Latin script since the fifth hundred AD, Irish has the oldest vernacular literature in Western Europe. On the island, the language has three major dialects : Munster, Connacht and Ulster. All three have distinctions in their speech and orthography. There is besides a “ standard written phase ” devised by a parliamentary commission in the 1950s. The distinct Irish alphabet, a random variable of the Latin alphabet with 18 letters, has been succeeded by the criterion Latin rudiment ( albeit with 7-8 letters used chiefly in loanwords ). irish has built-in condition as the national and first official terminology of the Republic of Ireland and is an formally greet minority terminology in Northern Ireland. It is besides among the official languages of the European Union. The public body Foras na Gaeilge is creditworthy for the promotion of the lyric throughout the island. Irish has no regulative body but the standard modern written form is guided by a parliamentary service and newfangled vocabulary by a voluntary committee with university remark. The contemporary areas of Ireland where Irish is still address daily as a first linguistic process are jointly known as the Gaeltacht .

Names [edit ]

In irish [edit ]

In An Caighdeán Oifigiúil ( the official written standard ) the name of the lyric – in the irish language – is Gaeilge ( marked [ ˈɡeːlʲɟə ] ), this being the south Connacht shape. The mannequin used in Classical Gaelic and by and large improving to the spelling reform of 1948 was Gaedhealg. [ 12 ] Gaeilge, spelled Gaedhilge before the reform, was in the first place the possessive of Gaedhealg. Older spellings include Gaoidhealg [ ˈɡeːʝəlˠɡ ] in Classical Gaelic and Goídelc [ ˈɡoiðelˠɡ ] in Old Irish. The modern spelling results from the deletion of the mum dh in the middle of Gaedhilge, whereas Goidelic, used to refer to the language syndicate including Irish, is derived from the Old irish term. other forms of the list found in the versatile modern irish dialects ( in addition to south Connacht Gaeilge above ) include Gaedhilic / Gaeilic / Gaeilig [ ˈɡeːlʲɪc ] or Gaedhlag [ ˈɡeːlˠəɡ ] in Ulster Irish and northerly Connacht Irish and Gaedhealaing [ ˈɡeːl̪ˠɪɲ ] or Gaoluinn / Gaelainn [ ˈɡeːl̪ˠɪn̠ʲ ] [ 13 ] [ 14 ] in Munster Irish. Gaeilge besides has a wide think of, which includes the Gaelic of Scotland and the Isle of Man, ampere well as of Ireland. When required by the context, these are distinguished as Gaeilge na hAlban, Gaeilge Mhanann and Gaeilge na hÉireann respectively. [ 15 ]

In English [edit ]

In Hiberno-English, the linguistic process is normally referred to as “ irish ”, but besides sometimes as “ Gaelic ”. Gaelic is a collective term for the closely-related native Celtic address of Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man, [ 5 ] [ 16 ] [ 17 ] [ 9 ] [ 18 ] and when the context is clean it may be used without qualification for the Gaelic of an individual region. When the context is specific but indecipherable, the term may be qualified : irish Gaelic, Scottish Gaelic, Manx Gaelic. Though the mention of the language in English is normally Irish, both Gaelic and Irish Gaelic are used in some instances. [ 19 ] [ 20 ] The term Irish Gaelic may be seen when english speakers discuss the kinship between the three Goidelic languages ( irish, scottish Gaelic and Manx ). [ 21 ] many irish people prefer to follow the practice of the terminology itself and to use the mother-term Gaelic when speaking of the terminology as used in Ireland. In doing this they acknowledge the continuity of Gaelic throughout its by and show geographic range. [ 22 ] “ Goidelic ” is a synonym of Gaelic, used chiefly in linguistic typology and diachronic linguistics. Goidelic and Brittonic in concert constitute the Insular Celtic languages. In the past, the identify “ Erse ” was besides sometimes used in Scots and then in English to refer to Irish ; [ 23 ] this name was besides used for scottish Gaelic for several centuries .

history [edit ]

Written Irish is first attested in Ogham inscriptions from the fourth century AD, a stage of the language known as primitive Irish. These writings have been found throughout Ireland and the west coast of Great Britain. Primitive Irish transitioned into Old Irish through the fifth century. Old Irish, dating from the sixth hundred, used the Latin rudiment and is attested primarily in marginalia to Latin manuscripts. During this time, the irish lyric absorbed some Latin words, some via Old Welsh, including ecclesiastical terms : examples are easpag ( bishop ) from episcopus, and Domhnach ( Sunday, from dominica ). By the tenth hundred, Old Irish had evolved into Middle Irish, which was spoken throughout Ireland, Isle of Man and parts of Scotland. It is the lyric of a large corpus of literature, including the Ulster Cycle. From the twelfth century, Middle Irish began to evolve into modern Irish in Ireland, into scottish Gaelic in Scotland, and into the Manx speech in the Isle of Man. early Modern Irish, dating from the thirteenth century, was the basis of the literary speech of both Ireland and Gaelic-speaking Scotland. Modern Irish, as attested in the work of such writers as Geoffrey Keating, may be said to date from the seventeenth hundred, and was the medium of popular literature from that time on. From the eighteenth century on, the language lost flat coat in the east of the nation. The reasons behind this shift were complex but came down to a count of factors :

  • discouragement of its use by Anglo-British administrations.
  • the Catholic church supported the use of English over Irish.
  • the spread of bilingualism from the 1750s onwards.[24]

The distribution of the irish speech in 1871 The change was characterised by diglossia ( two languages being used by the same community in different social and economic situations ) and transitional bilingualism ( monoglot Irish-speaking grandparents with bilingual children and monoglot English-speaking grandchild ). By the mid-18th hundred, English was becoming a speech of the Catholic middle class, the Catholic Church and public intellectuals, particularly in the east of the country. increasingly, as the value of English became apparent, the prohibition on Irish in schools had the sanction of parents. [ 25 ] Once it became apparent that emigration to the United States and Canada was probably for a large part of the population, the importance of learning English became relevant. This allowed the new immigrants to get jobs in areas other than farming. It has been estimated that, due to the immigration to the United States because of the Famine, anywhere from a quarter to a third of the immigrants were irish speakers. [ 26 ] irish was not borderline to Ireland ‘s modernization in the nineteenth hundred, as frequently assumed. In the first gear half of the century there were still around three million people for whom Irish was the primary lyric, and their numbers alone made them a cultural and social force. irish speakers much insisted on using the lyric in law courts ( even when they knew English ), and Irish was besides common in commercial transactions. The terminology was heavily implicated in the “ devotional revolution ” which marked the calibration of Catholic religious practice and was besides widely used in a political context. Down to the time of the Great Famine and even afterwards, the language was in habit by all classes, Irish being an urban ampere good as a rural language. [ 27 ] This linguistic dynamism was reflected in the efforts of certain populace intellectuals to counter the refuse of the terminology. At the end of the nineteenth hundred, they launched the Gaelic revival in an attempt to encourage the learn and manipulation of Irish, although few pornographic learners mastered the language. [ 28 ] The vehicle of the revival was the Gaelic League ( Conradh na Gaeilge ), and particular emphasis was placed on the folk custom, which in Irish is particularly rich people. Efforts were besides made to develop journalism and a modern literature. Although it has been noted that the Catholic Church played a function in the decline of the irish language before the Gaelic Revival, the Protestant Church of Ireland besides made only minor efforts to encourage use of Irish in a religious context. An irish translation of the Old Testament by Leinsterman Muircheartach Ó Cíonga, commissioned by Bishop Bedell, was published after 1685 along with a translation of the New Testament. Otherwise, Anglicisation was seen as synonymous with ‘civilising ‘ ” of the native Irish. Currently, modern day Irish speakers in the church are pushing for terminology revival. [ 29 ] It has been estimated that there were approximately 800,000 monoglot irish speakers in 1800, which dropped to 320,000 by the end of the famine, and under 17,000 by 1911. [ 30 ] Seán Ó hEinirí of Cill Ghallagáin, County Mayo was about surely the end monolingual irish loudspeaker .

Status and policy [edit ]

ireland [edit ]

irish is recognised by the Constitution of Ireland as the national and first official linguistic process of the Republic of Ireland ( English being the other official language ). Despite this, about all government commercial enterprise and debates are conducted in English. [ 31 ] In 1938, the founder of Conradh na Gaeilge ( Gaelic League ), Douglas Hyde, was inaugurated as the foremost President of Ireland. The read of his delivering his inaugural Declaration of Office in Roscommon Irish is one of only a few recordings of that dialect. [ 32 ] [ 33 ] [ 34 ] [ 35 ]
In the 2016 census, 10.5 % of respondents stated that they spoke Irish, either daily or hebdomadally, while over 70,000 people ( 4.2 % ) speak it as a accustomed casual means of communication. [ 36 ] From the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922 ( see History of the Republic of Ireland ), a degree of proficiency in Irish was required of all those newly appointed to the Civil Service of the Republic of Ireland, including postal workers, tax collectors, agricultural inspectors, Garda Síochána ( patrol ), etc. By law if a Garda was stopped and addressed in Irish he had to respond in Irish deoxyadenosine monophosphate well. [ 37 ] Proficiency in just one official language for entrance to the populace service was introduced in 1974, in partially through the actions of protest organisations like the Language Freedom Movement. Although the irish prerequisite was besides dropped for wider public service jobs, Irish remains a ask subject of sketch in all schools within the Republic which receive public money ( see Education in the Republic of Ireland ). Those wishing to teach in primary coil schools in the State must besides pass a compulsory interrogation called Scrúdú Cáilíochta sa Ghaeilge. The need for a fall in Leaving Certificate Irish or English for entrance to the Garda Síochána was introduced in September 2005, and recruits are given lessons in the speech during their two years of discipline. The most authoritative official documents of the irish government must be published in both Irish and English or Irish alone ( in accord with the Official Languages Act 2003, enforced by An Coimisinéir Teanga, the irish language ombudsman ). The National University of Ireland requires all students wishing to embark on a degree course in the NUI federal system to pass the subject of Irish in the Leaving Certificate or GCE / GCSE examinations. [ 38 ] Exemptions are made from this prerequisite for students have a bun in the oven outside of the Republic of Ireland, those who were born in the Republic but completed primary department of education outside it, and students diagnosed with dyslexia. NUI Galway is required to appoint people who are competent in the irish language, equally long as they are besides competent in all other aspects of the vacancy to which they are appointed. This requirement is laid down by the University College Galway Act, 1929 ( Section 3 ). [ 39 ] The University faced controversy, however, in 2016 when it was announced that the adjacent president of the united states of the University would not have any irish linguistic process ability. Misneach staged a act of protests against this decision. It was announced in September 2017 that Ciarán Ó hÓgartaigh, a eloquent irish speaker, would be NUIG ‘s 13th president of the united states .
For a act of years there has been vigorous debate in political, academic and early circles about the failure of most students in mainstream ( English-medium ) schools to achieve competence in the terminology, evening after fourteen years of teaching as one of the three chief subjects. [ 40 ] [ 41 ] [ 42 ] The accompaniment worsen in the number of traditional native speakers has besides been a cause of great concern. [ 43 ] [ 44 ] [ 45 ] [ 46 ] In 2007, film maker Manchán Magan found few speakers and some incredulity while speaking only Irish in Dublin. He was unable to accomplish some everyday tasks, as portrayed in his documentary No Béarla. [ 47 ] There is, however, a growing body of irish speakers in urban areas, particularly in Dublin. many have been educated in schools in which Irish is the language of instruction : such schools are known as Gaelscoileanna at elementary horizontal surface. These Irish-medium schools send a much higher [ clarification needed ] proportion of pupils on to third-level education than do “ mainstream ” schools, and it seems increasingly possible that, within a generation, non-Gaeltacht accustomed users of Irish will typically be members of an urban, middle class and highly educated minority. [ 48 ] parliamentary legislation is supposed to be available in both Irish and English but is frequently merely available in English. This is notwithstanding that Article 25.4 of the Constitution of Ireland requires that an “ official translation ” of any law in one official lyric be provided immediately in the early official lyric, if not already passed in both official languages. [ 49 ] In November 2016, it was reported that many people worldwide were learning Irish through the Duolingo app. [ 50 ] Irish president Michael Higgins formally honoured respective volunteer translators for developing the irish edition, and said the push for irish language rights remains an “ bare project ”. [ 51 ]

Gaeltacht [edit ]

The share of respondents who said they spoke Irish casual outside the department of education system in the 2011 census in the State. There are rural areas of Ireland where Irish is still spoken daily to some extent as a first terminology. These regions are known individually and jointly as the Gaeltacht ( plural Gaeltachtaí ). While the fluent irish speakers of these areas, whose numbers have been estimated at 20–30,000, [ 52 ] are a minority of the entire phone number of eloquent irish speakers, they represent a higher concentration of irish speakers than other parts of the nation and it is lone in Gaeltacht areas that Irish continues to be spoken as a community slang to some extent. According to data compiled by the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media, merely 1/4 of households in Gaeltacht areas are eloquent in Irish. The writer of a detailed analysis of the sketch, Donncha Ó hÉallaithe of the Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology, described the irish terminology policy followed by irish governments as a “ complete and absolute calamity ”. The Irish Times, referring to his analysis published in the Irish lyric newspaper Foinse, quoted him as follows : “ It is an absolute indictment of consecutive irish Governments that at the foundation of the irish State there were 250,000 eloquent irish speakers living in Irish-speaking or semi Irish-speaking areas, but the count now is between 20,000 and 30,000. ” [ 52 ] In the 1920s, when the Irish Free State was founded, Irish was however a vernacular in some westerly coastal areas. [ 53 ] In the 1930s, areas where more than 25 % of the population spoke Irish were classified as Gaeltacht. today, the strongest Gaeltacht areas, numerically and socially, are those of South Connemara, the west of the Dingle Peninsula, and northwest Donegal, where many residents silent use irish as their primary lyric. These areas are frequently referred to as the Fíor-Ghaeltacht ( dependable Gaeltacht ), a term originally officially applied to areas where over 50 % of the population spoke Irish. There are larger Gaeltacht regions in County Galway ( Contae na Gaillimhe ), including Connemara ( Conamara ), the Aran Islands ( Oileáin Árann ), Carraroe ( An Cheathrú Rua ) and Spiddal ( An Spidéal ), on the west coast of County Donegal ( Contae Dhún na nGall ), and on the Dingle ( Corca Dhuibhne ) and Iveragh Peninsulas ( Uibh Rathach ) in County Kerry ( Contae Chiarraí ). Smaller ones besides exist in counties Mayo ( Contae Mhaigh Eo ), Meath ( Contae na Mí ), Waterford ( Gaeltacht na nDéise, Contae Phort Láirge ), and Cork ( Contae Chorcaí ). Gweedore ( Gaoth Dobhair ), County Donegal, is the largest Gaeltacht parish in Ireland. irish lyric summer colleges in the Gaeltacht are attended by tens of thousands of teenagers per annum. Students live with Gaeltacht families, attend classes, participate in sports, go to céilithe and are obliged to speak Irish. All aspects of irish culture and custom are encouraged .

policy [edit ]

Official Languages Act 2003 [edit ]

The Act was passed 14 July 2003 with the chief purpose of improving the total and timbre of public services delivered in Irish by the government and other public bodies. [ 54 ] conformity with the Act is monitored by the An Coimisinéir Teanga ( irish Language Commissioner ) which was established in 2004 [ 55 ] and any complaints or concerns pertaining to the Act are brought to them. [ 54 ] There are 35 sections included in the Act all detailing different aspects of the use of Irish in official documentation and communication. Included in these sections are subjects such as irish lyric consumption in official courts, official publications, and placenames. [ 56 ] The Act was recently amended in December 2019 in regulate to strengthen the already preexistent legislation. [ 57 ] All changes made took into account data collected from on-line surveys and written submissions. [ 58 ]

official Languages Scheme 2019-2022 [edit ]

The Official Languages Scheme was enacted 1 July 2019 and is an 18-page document that adheres to the guidelines of the Official Languages Act 2003. [ 59 ] The aim of the Scheme is to provide services through the mediums of Irish and/or English. According to the Department of the Taoiseach, it is meant to “ develop a sustainable economy and a successful society, to pursue Ireland ‘s interests overseas, to implement the Government ‘s Programme and to build a better future for Ireland and all her citizens. ” [ 60 ]

20-Year Strategy for the irish Language 2010-2030 [edit ]

The Strategy was produced on 21 December 2010 and will stay in action until 2030 ; it aims to target terminology energy and revival of the irish language. [ 61 ] The 30-page document published by the Government of Ireland details the objectives it plans to work towards in an attempt to preserve and promote both the irish lyric and the Gaeltacht. It is divided into four separate phases with the intention of improving 9 main areas of natural process including :

  • “Education”
  • “The Gaeltacht
  • “Family Transmission of the Language – Early Intervention”
  • “Administration, Services and Community”
  • “Media and Technology”
  • “Dictionaries”
  • “Legislation and Status”
  • “Economic Life”
  • “Cross-cutting Initiatives”[62]

The general goal for this scheme is to increase the amount of speakers from 83,000 to 250,000 by the end of its prevail. [ 63 ]

Northern Ireland [edit ]

A gestural for the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure in Northern Ireland, in English, Irish and Ulster Scots Before the partition of Ireland in 1921, Irish was recognised as a school subject and as “ celtic ” in some third base level institutions. between 1921 and 1972, Northern Ireland had devolved government. During those years the political party holding power in the Stormont Parliament, the Ulster Unionist Party ( UUP ), was hostile to the language. The context of this hostility was the use of the terminology by nationalists. [ 64 ] In broadcast medium, there was an excommunication on the report of minority cultural issues, and Irish was excluded from radio and television for about the first fifty years of the former fall government. [ 65 ] The language received a academic degree of ball recognition in Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom, under the 1998 good Friday Agreement, [ 66 ] and then, in 2003, by the british politics ‘s ratification in obedience of the speech of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. In the 2006 St Andrews Agreement the british government promised to enact legislation to promote the language [ 67 ] but as of 2019 it has so far to do so. [ 68 ] The irish language has frequently been used as a dicker chip during government geological formation in Northern Ireland, prompting protests from organisations and groups such as An Dream Dearg. There is presently an ongoing argue in relation to the status of the linguistic process in the form of an irish Language Act. An dream Dearg have launched a political campaign in favor of such an Act called Acht na Gaeilge Anois ( “ Irish Language Act now ” ). [ 69 ]

european fantan [edit ]

irish became an official terminology of the EU on 1 January 2007, meaning that MEPs with Irish fluency can now speak the speech in the European Parliament and at committees, although in the case of the latter they have to give anterior notice to a coincident spokesperson in order to ensure that what they say can be interpreted into other languages. While an official language of the European Union, only co-decision regulations must be available in Irish for the moment, due to a renewable five-year derogation on what has to be translated, requested by the irish Government when negotiating the linguistic process ‘s newly official status. Any expansion in the range of documents to be translated will depend on the results of the first five-year review and on whether the Irish authorities decide to seek an reference. The irish politics has committed itself to train the necessity number of translators and interpreters and to bear the refer costs. [ 70 ] Derogation is expected to end completely by 2022. [ 71 ] Before Irish became an official linguistic process it was afforded the status of treaty lyric and only the highest-level documents of the EU were made available in Irish .

outside Ireland [edit ]

The irish speech was carried afield in the advanced time period by a huge diaspora, chiefly to Great Britain and North America, but besides to Australia, New Zealand and Argentina. The inaugural large movements began in the seventeenth century, largely as a leave of the cromwellian conquest of Ireland, which saw many Irish sent to the West Indies. irish emigration to the United States was well established by the eighteenth century, and was reinforced in the 1840s by thousands fleeing from the Famine. This flight besides affected Britain. Up until that time most emigrants spoke Irish as their first language, though English was establishing itself as the chief lyric. irish speakers had first arrived in Australia in the late eighteenth century as convicts and soldiers, and many Irish-speaking settlers followed, peculiarly in the 1860s. New Zealand besides received some of this inflow. Argentina was the only non-English-speaking area to receive large numbers of irish emigrants, and there were few irish speakers among them. relatively few of the emigrants were literate in irish, but manuscripts in the language were brought to both Australia and the United States, and it was in the United States that the first newspaper to make meaning use of Irish was established : An Gaodhal. In Australia, besides, the language found its way into print. The Gaelic revival, which started in Ireland in the 1890s, found a answer abroad, with branches of Conradh na Gaeilge being established in all the countries to which Irish speakers had emigrated. The worsen of Irish in Ireland and a decelerate of emigration helped to ensure a decay in the lyric abroad, along with natural attrition in the host countries. Despite this, modest groups of enthusiasts continued to learn and cultivate Irish in diaspora countries and elsewhere, a tendency which strengthened in the second half of the twentieth century. Today the lyric is taught at third level in North America, Australia and Europe, and irish speakers outside Ireland contribute to journalism and literature in the language. There are significant Irish-speaking networks in the United States and Canada ; [ 72 ] figures released for the period 2006–2008 usher that 22,279 irish Americans claimed to speak Irish at home. [ 73 ] The irish language is besides one of the languages of the Celtic League, a non-governmental organization that promotes self-government, Celtic identity and culture in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Brittany, Cornwall and the Isle of Man, known jointly as the Celtic nations. irish was spoken as a community language until the early on twentieth century on the island of Newfoundland, in a mannequin known as Newfoundland Irish. [ 74 ] Certain Irish vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation features are still used in modern Newfoundland English. [ 75 ]

use [edit ]

The 2016 census data shows :

The total count of people who answered ‘yes ‘ to being able to speak Irish in April 2016 was 1,761,420, a slender decrease ( 0.7 per cent ) on the 2011 human body of 1,774,437. This represents 39.8 per penny of respondents compared with 41.4 in 2011 … Of the 73,803 daily irish speakers ( outside the education system ), 20,586 ( 27.9 % ) lived in Gaeltacht areas. [ 76 ]

daily Irish speakers in Gaeltacht areas between 2011 and 2016 [edit ]

Gaeltacht Area 2011 2016 Change 2011/2016 Change 2011/2016 (%)
Cork County 982 872 Decrease 110 Decrease 11.2%
Donegal County 7,047 5,929 Decrease 1,118 Decrease 15.9%
Galway City 636 646 Increase 10 Increase 1.6%
Galway County 10,085 9,445 Decrease 640 Decrease 6.3%
Kerry County 2,501 2,049 Decrease 452 Decrease 18.1%
Mayo County 1,172 895 Decrease 277 Decrease 23.6%
Meath County 314 283 Decrease 31 Decrease 9.9%
Waterford County 438 467 Increase 29 Increase 6.6%
All Gaeltacht Areas 23,175 20,586 Decrease 2,589 Decrease 11.2%

In 1996, the 3 electoral divisions in the State where Irish has the most daily speakers were An Turloch ( 91 % + ), Scainimh ( 89 % + ), Min an Chladaigh ( 88 % + ). [ 78 ]

Dialects [edit ]

irish is represented by several traditional dialects and by diverse varieties of “ urban ” irish. The latter have acquired lives of their own and a growing number of native speakers. Differences between the dialects make themselves felt in stress, intonation, vocabulary and morphologic features. roughly speaking, the three major dialect areas which survive concur approximately with the provinces of Munster ( Cúige Mumhan ), Connacht ( Cúige Chonnacht ) and Ulster ( Cúige Uladh ). Records of some dialects of Leinster ( Cúige Laighean ) were made by the Irish Folklore Commission and others. [ 79 ] Newfoundland, in easterly Canada, had a mannequin of irish derived from the Munster Irish of the later eighteenth hundred ( see Newfoundland Irish ) .

Munster [edit ]

Munster Irish is the dialect speak in the Gaeltacht areas of the three counties Cork ( Contae Chorcaí ), Kerry ( Contae Chiarraí ), Waterford ( Contae Phort Láirge ). The Gaeltacht areas of Cork can be found in Cape Clear Island ( Oileán Chléire ) and Muskerry ( Múscraí ) ; those of Kerry lie in Corca Dhuibhne and Iveragh Peninsula ; and those of Waterford in Ring ( An Rinn ) and Old Parish ( An Sean Phobal ), both of which together form Gaeltacht na nDéise. Of the three counties, the Irish address in Cork and Kerry are quite similar while that of Waterford is more clear-cut. Some typical features of Munster Irish are :

  1. The use of endings to show person on verbs in parallel with a pronominal subject system, thus “I must” is in Munster caithfead as well as caithfidh mé, while other dialects prefer caithfidh mé ( means “I”). “I was and you were” is Bhíos agus bhís as well as Bhí mé agus bhí tú in Munster but more commonly Bhí mé agus bhí tú in other dialects. Note that these are strong tendencies, and the personal forms bhíos etc. are used in the West and North, particularly when the words are last in the clause.
  2. Use of independent/dependent forms of verbs that are not included in the Standard. For example, “I see” in Munster is chím, which is the independent form – Ulster Irish also uses a similar form, tchím), whereas “I do not see” is ní fheicim, feicim being the dependent form, which is used after particles such as “not”). Chím is replaced by feicim in the Standard. Similarly, the traditional form preserved in Munster bheirim I give/ní thugaim is tugaim/ní thugaim in the Standard; gheibhim I get/ní bhfaighim is faighim/ní bhfaighim.
  3. When before –nn, –m, –rr, –rd, –ll and so on, in monosyllabic words and in the stressed syllable of multisyllabic words where the syllable is followed by a consonant, some short vowels are lengthened while others are diphthongised, thus ceann [ caun ] “head”, cam [ kɑum ] “crooked”, gearr [ ɟaːr ] “short”, ord [ oːrd ] “sledgehammer”, gall [ ɡɑul ] “foreigner, non-Gael”, iontas [ uːntəs ] “a wonder, a marvel”, compánach [ kəumˈpɑːnəx ] “companion, mate”, etc.
  4. A copular construction involving ea “it” is frequently used. Thus “I am an Irish person” can be said is Éireannach mé and Éireannach is ea mé in Munster; there is a subtle difference in meaning, however, the first choice being a simple statement of fact, while the second brings emphasis onto the word Éireannach. In effect the construction is a type of “fronting”.
  5. Both masculine and feminine words are subject to lenition after insan (sa/san) “in the”, den “of the” and don “to/for the” : sa tsiopa, “in the shop”, compared to the Standard sa siopa (the Standard lenites only feminine nouns in the dative in these cases).
  6. Eclipsis of f after sa: sa bhfeirm, “in the farm”, instead of san fheirm.
  7. Eclipsis of t and d after preposition + singular article, with all prepositions except after insan, den and don: ar an dtigh “on the house”, ag an ndoras “at the door”.
  8. Stress falls in general found on the second syllable of a word when the first syllable contains a short vowel, and the second syllable contains a long vowel, diphthong, or is -(e)ach, e.g. bio rán (“pin”), as opposed to bio rán in Connacht and Ulster.

Connacht [edit ]

historically, Connacht Irish represents the westernmost leftover of a dialect sphere which once stretched from east to west across the concentrate of Ireland. The strongest dialect of Connacht Irish is to be found in Connemara and the Aran Islands. much closer to the larger Connacht Gaeltacht is the dialect speak in the smaller region on the boundary line between Galway ( Gaillimh ) and Mayo ( Maigh Eo ). There are a count of differences between the popular South Connemara form of Irish, the Mid-Connacht/Joyce Country form ( on the edge between Mayo and Galway ) and the Achill and Erris forms in the north of the province. Features in Connacht Irish differing from the official standard include a preference for verbal nouns ending in -achan, e.g. lagachan rather of lagú, “ weakening ”. The non-standard pronunciation of the Gaeltacht Cois Fharraige sphere with elongated vowels and heavily reduced endings gives it a discrete sound. Distinguishing features of Connacht and Ulster dialect include the pronunciation of word-final broad bh and mh as [ tungsten ], rather than as [ vˠ ] in Munster. For example, sliabh ( “ batch ” ) is pronounce [ ʃlʲiəw ] in Connacht and Ulster as opposed to [ ʃlʲiəβ ] in the confederacy. In accession Connacht and Ulster speakers tend to include the “ we ” pronoun rather than use the standard compound form used in Munster, e.g. bhí muid is used for “ we were ” rather of bhíomar. As in Munster Irish, some short-circuit vowels are lengthened and others diphthongised before – nn, – m, – rr, – rd, – ll, in monosyllabic words and in the try syllable of multisyllabic words where the syllable is followed by a consonant. This can be seen in ceann [ cɑ : north ] “ head ”, cam [ kɑ : meter ] “ asymmetrical ”, gearr [ gʲɑ : radius ] “ short ”, ord [ ourd ] “ sledgehammer ”, gall [ gɑ : fifty ] “ foreigner, non-Gael ”, iontas [ one : ntəs ] “ a wonder, a wonder ”, etc. The shape ‘ -aibh ‘, when occurring at the end of words like ‘ agaibh ‘, tends to be pronounced as an ‘ee ‘ sound. In South Connemara, for exemplar, there is a leaning to substitute a “ bel ” good at the end of words ending in “ bh “ [ β ], such as sibh, libh and dóibh, something not found in the rest of Connacht ( these words would be pronounced respectively as “ shiv, ” “ fifty-four ” and “ dófa “ in the early areas ). This locate of the B-sound is besides present at the end of words ending in vowels, such as acu ( pronounced as “ acub ” ) and leo ( pronounced as “ lyohab ” ). There is besides a inclination to omit the “ g ” fathom in words such as agam, agat and againn, a characteristic besides of other Connacht dialects. All these pronunciations are distinctively regional. The pronunciation prevailing in the Joyce Country ( the area around Lough Corrib and Lough Mask ) is quite like to that of South Connemara, with a like approach to the words agam, agat and againn and a exchangeable approach to pronunciation of vowels and consonants but there are noticeable differences in vocabulary, with sealed words such as doiligh ( difficult ) and foscailte being preferred to the more common deacair and oscailte. Another matter to aspect of this sub-dialect is that about all vowels at the end of words tend to be pronounced as í : eile ( other ), cosa ( feet ) and déanta ( done ) tend to be pronounced as eilí, cosaí and déantaí respectively. The northern Mayo dialect of Erris ( Iorras ) and Achill ( Acaill ) is in grammar and morphology basically a Connacht dialect but shows some similarities to Ulster Irish due to large-scale immigration of dispossess people following the Plantation of Ulster. For example, words ending -mh and -bh have a much softer sound, with a tendency to terminate words such as leo and dóibh with “ fluorine ”, giving leofa and dófa respectively. In addition to a vocabulary typical of early area of Connacht, one besides finds ulster words like amharc ( meaning “ to look ” and pronounced “ onk ” ), nimhneach ( atrocious or huffy ), druid ( close ), mothaigh ( hear ), doiligh ( unmanageable ), úr ( newfangled ), and tig le ( to be able to – i.e. a form exchangeable to féidir ). irish President Douglas Hyde was possibly one of the last speakers of the Roscommon dialect of Irish. [ 33 ]

ulster [edit ]

Ulster Irish is the dialect speak in the Gaeltacht regions of Donegal. These regions contain all of Ulster ‘s communities where Irish has been spoken in an unbroken line back to when the lyric was the dominant language of Ireland. The Irish-speaking communities in other parts of Ulster are a consequence of terminology revival – English-speaking families deciding to learn Irish. Census data shows that 4,130 people speak it at home. linguistically, the most important of the Ulster dialects today is that which is spoken, with slight differences, in both Gweedore ( Gaoth Dobhair = Inlet of Streaming Water ) and The Rosses ( na Rossa ). Ulster Irish sounds quite different from the other two chief dialects. It shares several features with southern dialects of scots Gaelic and Manx, american samoa well as having many characteristic words and shades of meanings. however, since the demise of those irish dialects spoken natively in what is nowadays Northern Ireland, it is credibly an exaggeration to see contemporary Ulster Irish as an mediator form between scots Gaelic and the southerly and western dialects of Irish. Northern Scottish Gaelic has many non-Ulster features in coarse with Munster Irish. One noticeable trait of Ulster Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx is the consumption of the negative particle cha(n) in seat of the Munster and Connacht . Though southerly Donegal Irish tends to use more than cha(n), cha(n) has about ousted in northernmost dialects ( e.g. Rosguill and Tory Island ), though even in these areas níl “ is not ” is more common than chan fhuil or cha bhfuil. [ 80 ] [ 81 ] Another noticeable trait is the pronunciation of the first person singular verb ending -im as -am, besides common to Man and Scotland ( Munster/Connacht siúlaim “ I walk ”, Ulster siúlam ) .

Leinster [edit ]

depressed to the early nineteenth century and even later, Irish was spoken in all twelve counties of Leinster. The evidence furnished by placenames, literary sources and recorded speech indicates that there was no Leinster dialect as such. rather, the main dialect used in the province was represented by a broad cardinal belt stretching from west Connacht eastwards to the Liffey estuary and southwards to Wexford, though with many local anesthetic variations. Two smaller dialects were represented by the Ulster manner of speaking of counties Meath and Louth, which extended as far south as the Boyne valley, and a Munster dialect found in Kilkenny and south Laois. The main dialect had characteristics which survive today only in the Irish of Connacht. It typically placed the stress on the first syllable of a word, and showed a preference ( found in placenames ) for the pronunciation cr where the standard spell is cn. The word cnoc ( mound ) would consequently be pronounced croc. Examples are the placenames Crooksling ( Cnoc Slinne ) in County Dublin and Crukeen ( Cnoicín ) in Carlow. East Leinster showed the same diphthongisation or vowel prolongation as in Munster and Connacht Irish in words like poll ( hole ), cill ( monastery ), coill ( wood ), ceann ( head ), cam ( crooked ) and dream ( crowd ). A feature of the dialect was the pronunciation of the vowel ao, which generally became ae in east Leinster ( as in Munster ), and í in the west ( as in Connacht ). [ 82 ] early tell regarding colloquial Irish in east Leinster is found in The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge ( 1547 ), by the English doctor and traveler Andrew Borde. [ 83 ] The exemplifying phrases he uses include the play along ( with regularised irish spell in brackets ) :

How are you? Kanys stato? [Canas ‘tá tú?]
I am well, thank you Tam a goomah gramahagood. [Tá mé go maith, go raibh maith agat.]
Syr, can you speak Iryshe? Sor, woll galow oket? [Sir, ‘bhfuil Gaeilig [Gaela’] agat?]
Wyfe, gyve me bread! Benytee, toor haran! [A bhean an tí, tabhair arán!]
How far is it to Waterford? Gath haad o showh go part laarg?. [Gá fhad as [a] seo go Port Láirge?]
It is one an twenty myle. Myle hewryht. [Míle a haon ar fhichid.]
Whan shal I go to slepe, wyfe? Gah hon rah moyd holow? [Gathain a rachamaoid a chodladh?]

The Pale [edit ]

The Pale – According to Statute of 1488 The Pale ( An Pháil ) was an sphere around late chivalric Dublin under the control of the english government. By the recently fifteenth century it consisted of an sphere along the coast from Dalkey, confederacy of Dublin, to the garrison township of Dundalk, with an inland boundary across-the-board Naas and Leixlip in the Earldom of Kildare and Trim and Kells in County Meath to the north. In this area of “ Englyshe tunge ” English had never actually been a dominant linguistic process – and was furthermore a relatively late comer ; the first colonisers were Normans who spoke Norman French, and before these Norse. The irish terminology had constantly been the terminology of the majority of the population. An english official remarked of the Pale in 1515 that “ all the common people of the said one-half counties that obeyeth the King ‘s laws, for the most separate be of irish birth, of irish habit and of irish language ”. [ 84 ] With the tone of English cultural and political control, language change began to occur but this did not become clearly apparent until the eighteenth century. even then, in the decennial menstruation 1771–81, the percentage of irish speakers in Meath was at least 41 %. By 1851 this had fallen to less than 3 %. [ 85 ]

General decline [edit ]

English expanded strongly in Leinster in the eighteenth hundred but irish speakers were hush numerous. In the decennial period 1771–81 certain counties had estimated percentages of irish speakers as follows ( though the estimates are probable to be excessively low ) : [ 85 ]

Kilkenny 57%
Louth 57%
Longford 22%
Westmeath 17%

The linguistic process saw its most rapid initial decline in counties Dublin, Kildare, Laois, Wexford, and Wicklow. In holocene years, County Wicklow has been noted as having the lowest percentage of irish speakers of any county in Ireland, with alone 0.14 % of its population claiming to have passable cognition of the lyric. [ 86 ] The proportion of Irish-speaking children in Leinster went down american samoa follows : 17 % in the 1700s, 11 % in the 1800s, 3 % in the 1830s, and virtually none in the 1860s. [ 87 ] The Irish census of 1851 showed that there were however a number of older speakers in County Dublin. [ 85 ] Sound recordings were made between 1928 and 1931 of some of the last speakers in Omeath, County Louth ( now available in digital human body ). [ 88 ] The final sleep together traditional native speaker in Omeath, and in Leinster as a solid, was Annie O’Hanlon ( née Dobbin ), who died in 1960. [ 25 ] Her dialect was, in fact, a ramify of the Irish of southeast Ulster. [ 89 ]

urban use from the middle ages to the nineteenth century [edit ]

irish was spoken as a residential district language in irish towns and cities down to the nineteenth century. In the 16th and 17th centuries it was far-flung even in Dublin and the Pale. The english administrator William Gerard ( 1518–1581 ) commented as follows : “ All Englishe, and the most part with delight, tied in Dublin, talk Irishe, ” [ 90 ] while the Old English historian Richard Stanihurst ( 1547–1618 ) lamented that “ When their posteritie became not altogither thus warie in keeping, as their ancestors were valiant in conquering, the irish language was free dennized in the english Pale : this canker tooke such deep settle, as the bodie that before was whole and sound, was by little and little fester, and in manner wholly putrified ”. [ 91 ] The Irish of Dublin, situated as it was between the east Ulster dialect of Meath and Louth to the north and the Leinster-Connacht dialect further south, may have reflected the characteristics of both in phonology and grammar. In County Dublin itself the cosmopolitan rule was to place the stress on the initial vowel of words. With time it appears that the forms of the dative case took over the early case endings in the plural ( a tendency found to a lesser extent in early dialects ). In a letter written in Dublin in 1691 we find such examples as the surveil : gnóthuimh ( objective case, the standard form being gnóthaí ), tíorthuibh ( accusative lawsuit, the standard form being tíortha ) and leithscéalaibh ( genitive case, the criterion shape being leithscéalta ). [ 92 ] english authorities of the cromwellian period, aware that Irish was wide spoken in Dublin, arranged for its official use. In 1655 several local dignitaries were ordered to oversee a lecture in Irish to be given in Dublin. In March 1656 a converted Catholic priest, Séamas Corcy, was appointed to preach in Irish at Bride ‘s parish every Sunday, and was besides ordered to preach at Drogheda and Athy. [ 93 ] In 1657 the english colonists in Dublin presented a petition to the Municipal Council complaining that in Dublin itself “ there is irish normally and normally spoken ”. [ 94 ] There is contemporary evidence of the use of Irish in other urban areas at the meter. In 1657 it was found necessary to have an Oath of Abjuration ( rejecting the authority of the Pope ) read in Irish in Cork indeed that people could understand it. [ 95 ] irish was sufficiently strong in early eighteenth hundred Dublin to be the terminology of a clique of poets and scribes led by Seán and Tadhg Ó Neachtain, both poets of note. [ 96 ] Scribal activity in Irish persisted in Dublin good through the eighteenth century. An outstanding case was Muiris Ó Gormáin ( Maurice Gorman ), a prolific manufacturer of manuscripts who advertised his services ( in English ) in Faulkner’s Dublin Journal. [ 97 ] There were calm an appreciable number of irish speakers in County Dublin at the meter of the 1851 census. [ 98 ] In other urban centres the descendants of chivalric Anglo-Norman settlers, the alleged Old English, were Irish-speaking or bilingual by the sixteenth century. [ 99 ] The English administrator and traveler Fynes Moryson, writing in the final years of the sixteenth century, said that “ the English Irish and the very citizens ( excepting those of Dublin where the lord deputy resides ) though they could speak English deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as we, yet normally speak Irish among themselves, and were hardly induced by our familiar conversation to speak english with us ”. [ 100 ] In Galway, a city dominated by Old English merchants and firm to the Crown improving to the irish Confederate Wars ( 1641–1653 ), the practice of the irish language had already provoked the passing of an Act of Henry VIII ( 1536 ), ordaining as follows :

Item, that every inhabitant within oure said towne [Galway] endeavour themselfes to speake English, and to use themselfes after the English facon; and, speciallye, that you, and every one of you, doe put your children to scole, to lerne to speke English…[101]

The demise of native cultural institutions in the seventeenth century saw the social prestige of irish decrease, and the gradual Anglicisation of the center classes followed. [ 102 ] The census of 1851 showed, however, that the towns and cities of Munster distillery had significant Irish-speaking populations. much earlier, in 1819, James McQuige, a veteran Methodist lay preacher in Irish, wrote : “ In some of the largest southerly towns, Cork, Kinsale and even the Protestant town of Bandon, provisions are sold in the markets, and cried in the streets, in irish ”. [ 103 ] irish speakers constituted over 40 % of the population of Cork even in 1851. [ 104 ]

mod urban irish [edit ]

The nineteenth century saw a reduction in the count of Dublin ‘s irish speakers, in keeping with the drift elsewhere. This continued until the goal of the century, when the Gaelic revival saw the creation of a strong Irish–speaking network, typically united by respective branches of the Conradh na Gaeilge, and accompanied by renewed literary activeness. [ 105 ] By the 1930s Dublin had a alert literary liveliness in Irish. [ 106 ] Urban Irish has been the beneficiary, over the last few decades, of a quickly expanding independent school system, known generally as Gaelscoileanna, teaching wholly through Irish. As of 2019 there are 37 such primary schools in Dublin alone. [ 107 ]

It has been suggested that Ireland ‘s towns and cities are acquiring a critical mass of irish speakers, reflected in the expansion of irish language media. [ 108 ] Many are younger speakers who, after encountering irish at educate, made an campaign to acquire eloquence ; others have been educated through Irish ; some have been raised with Irish. Those from an english-speaking background are now frequently described as nuachainteoirí ( newfangled speakers ) and use whatever opportunities are available ( festivals, “ pop-up book ” events ) to practise or improve their Irish. [ 109 ] Though it has been suggested that the comparative standard is hush the Irish of the Gaeltacht, [ 110 ] other evidence suggests that young urban speakers take pride in having their own distinctive variety show of the linguistic process. [ 111 ] A comparison of traditional Irish and urban Irish shows that the eminence between broad and slender consonants, which is fundamental to Irish phonology and grammar, is not in full or systematically observed in urban Irish. This and early changes make it possible that urban Irish will become a newfangled dialect or even, over a retentive period, develop into a creole ( i.e. a newly language ) clear-cut from Gaeltacht Irish. [ 108 ] It has been argued that there is a certain elitism among irish speakers, with most deference being given to the Irish of native Gaeltacht speakers and with “ Dublin ” ( i.e. urban ) Irish being under-represented in the media. [ 112 ] This, however, is paralleled by a failure among some urban irish speakers to acknowledge grammatical and phonological features essential to the structure of the language. [ 108 ]

Towards a standard Irish – An Caighdeán Oifigiúil [edit ]

There is no single official standard for pronouncing the irish language. Certain dictionaries, such as Foclóir Póca, provide a single pronunciation. Online dictionaries such as Foclóir Béarla-Gaeilge [ 113 ] provide sound recording files in the three major dialects. The differences between dialects are considerable, and have led to recurrent difficulties in conceptualising a “ standard Irish. ” In recent decades contacts between speakers of unlike dialects have become more frequent and the differences between the dialects are less noticeable. [ 114 ] An Caighdeán Oifigiúil ( “ The Official Standard ” ), much shortened to An Caighdeán, is a standard for the spell and grammar of written Irish, developed and used by the irish government. Its rules are followed by most schools in Ireland, though schools in and near Irish-speaking regions besides use the local dialect. It was published by the translation department of Dáil Éireann in 1953 [ 115 ] and updated in 2012 [ 116 ] and 2017 .

phonology [edit ]

In pronunciation, Irish most closely resembles its nearest relatives, Scottish Gaelic and Manx. One luminary feature is that consonants ( except /h/ ) fall in pairs, one “ wide ” ( velarised, pronounced with the second of the tongue pulled back towards the soft palate ) and one “ lissome ” ( palatalised, pronounced with the center of the tongue pushed up towards the difficult palate ). While broad–slender pairs are not alone to Irish ( being found, for example, in Russian ), in Irish they have a grammatical function .

Consonant phonemes
Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal
broad slender broad slender broad slender
Stop voiceless t̪ˠ k c
voiced d̪ˠ ɡ ɟ
voiceless ʃ x ç h
voiced w ɣ joule
Nasal n̪ˠ ŋ ɲ
Tap ɾˠ ɾʲ
Lateral l̪ˠ
Vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
short long short short long
Close ɪ ʊ
Mid ɛ ə ɔ
Open a ɑː

Diphthongs : iə, uə, əi, əu .

Syntax and morphology [edit ]

Irish is a fusional, VSO, nominative-accusative language. Irish is neither verb nor satellite framed, and makes liberal use of deictic verbs. Nouns decline for 3 numbers : curious, dual ( only in conjunction with the count dhá / “ two ” ), plural ; 2 genders : masculine, womanly ; and 4 cases : ainmneach ( nomino – objective ), gairmeach ( vocative ), ginideach ( genitive ), and tabharthach ( prepositional – locative role ), with fossilized traces of the older accusative. Adjectives agree with nouns in count, sex, and shell. Adjectives broadly follow nouns, though some precede or prefix nouns. Demonstrative adjectives have proximal, median, and distal forms. The prepositional – locative role case is called the dative by convention, though it originates in the Proto-Celtic ablative. Verbs conjugate solution for 3 tenses : past, portray, future ; 2 aspects : perfective, imperfective ; 2 numbers : singular, plural ; 4 moods : indicative, subjunctive, conditional, imperative mood ; 2 relative forms, the deliver and future relative ; and in some verbs, autonomous and dependent forms. Verbs conjugate for 3 persons and an impersonal form which is actor -free ; the 3rd person singular acts as a person-free personal shape that can be followed or otherwise refer to any person or number. There are two verbs for “ to be ”, one for implicit in qualities with only two forms, is “ present ” and ba “ past ” and “ conditional ”, and one for ephemeral qualities, with a wide complement of forms except for the verbal adjective. The two verbs contribution the one verbal noun. The passive voice and many early forms are circumlocutious. There are a count of preverbal particles marking the negative, interrogative, subjunctive mood, relative clauses, etc. There is a verbal noun and verbal adjective. Verb forms are highly regular, many grammars recognise only 11 irregular verbs. Prepositions inflect for person and number. different prepositions govern different cases. In Old and Middle Irish, prepositions governed different cases depending on mean semantics ; this has disappeared in Modern Irish except in fossilize form. Irish had no verb to express having ; alternatively, the word ag ( “ at ”, etc. ) is used in junction with the ephemeral “ be ” verb bheith :

  • Tá leabhar agam. “I have a book.” (Literally, “there is a book at me,” cf. Russian У меня есть книга, Finnish minulla on kirja, French le livre est à moi)
  • Tá leabhar agat. “You (singular) have a book.”
  • Tá leabhar aige. “He has a book.”
  • Tá leabhar aici. “She has a book.”
  • Tá leabhar againn. “We have a book.”
  • Tá leabhar agaibh. “You (plural) have a book.”
  • Tá leabhar acu. “They have a book.”

Numerals have 3 forms : abstract, general and ordinal. The numbers from 2 to 10 ( and these in combination with higher numbers ) are rarely used for people, numeral nominals being used rather :

  • a dó “Two.”
  • dhá leabhar “Two books.”
  • beirt “Two people, a couple”, beirt fhear “Two men”, beirt bhan “Two women”.
  • dara, tarna (free variation) “Second.”

irish had both decimal and vigesimal systems : 10 : a deich 20 : fiche 30 : vigesimal – a deich is fiche ; decimal fraction – tríocha 40 : five. daichead, dá fhichead ; five hundred. ceathracha 50 : five. a deich is daichead ; five hundred. caoga ( besides : leathchéad “ half-hundred ” ) 60 : five. trí fichid ; vitamin d. seasca 70 : volt. a deich is trí fichid ; d. seachtó 80 : volt. cheithre fichid ; d. ochtó 90 : vanadium. a deich is cheithre fichid ; d. nócha 100 : v. cúig fichid ; five hundred. céad A phone number such as 35 has respective forms : a cúigdéag is fichid “ 15 and 20 ” a cúig is tríocha “ 5 and 30 ” a cúigdéag ar fhichid “ 15 on 20 ” a cúig ar thríochaid “ 5 on 30 ” a cúigdéag fichead “ 15 of 20 ( possessive ) ” a cúig tríochad “ 5 of 30 ( possessive ) ” fiche ‘s a cúigdéag “ 20 and 15 ” tríocha ‘s a cúig “ 30 and 5 ” The latter is most normally used in mathematics .

initial mutations [edit ]

In Irish, there are two classes of initial consonant mutations, which press out grammatical relationship and mean in verb, nouns and adjectives :

  • Lenition (séimhiú) describes the change of stops into fricatives.[117] Indicated in Gaelic script by a sí buailte (a dot) written above the consonant, it is shown in Latin script by adding an h.
    • caith! “throw!” – chaith mé “I threw” (lenition as a past-tense marker, caused by the particle do, now generally omitted)
    • “requirement” – easpa an ghá “lack of the requirement” (lenition marking the genitive case of a masculine noun)
    • Seán “John” – a Sheáin! “John!” (lenition as part of the vocative case, the vocative lenition being triggered by a, the vocative marker before Sheáin)
  • Eclipsis (urú) covers the voicing of voiceless stops, and nasalisation of voiced stops.
    • Athair “Father” – ár nAthair “our Father”
    • tús “start”, ar dtús “at the start”
    • Gaillimh “Galway” – i nGaillimh “in Galway”

Mutations are much the entirely way to distinguish grammatical forms. For exemplar, the only non-contextual way to distinguish genitive pronouns “ her, ” “ his ” and “ their ”, is through initial mutations since all meanings are represented by the same news a .

  • his shoe – a bhróg (lenition)
  • their shoe – a mbróg (eclipsis)
  • her shoe – a bróg (unchanged)

ascribable to initial mutant, prefixes, clitics, suffixes, root inflection, ending morphology, exception, sandhi, epenthesis, and assimilation ; the begin, core, and end of words can each change radically and even simultaneously depending on context .

orthography [edit ]

The official symbol of the irish Defence Forces, showing a celtic font with dot diacritics modern Irish traditionally used the Latin alphabet without the letters j, k, q, w, x, y and omega. however, some Gaelicised words use those letters : for case, “ jeep ” is written as “ jíp “ ( the letter vanadium has been naturalised into the linguistic process, although it is not part of the traditional rudiment, and has the lapp pronunciation as “ bohrium ” ). One diacritical mark sign, the acute accent stress ( á é í ó ú ), known in Irish as the síneadh fada ( “ long scratch ” ; plural : sínte fada ), is used in the rudiment. In idiomatic English use, this diacritic is frequently referred to merely as the fada, where the adjective is used as a noun. The fada serves to lengthen the legal of the vowels and in some cases besides changes their quality. For exercise, in Munster Irish ( Kerry ), a is /a/ or /ɑ/ and á is /ɑː/ in “ forefather ”, but in Ulster Irish ( Donegal ), á tends to be /æː/. traditional orthography had an extra diacritic – a dot over some consonants to indicate lenition. In modern Irish, the letter planck’s constant suffixed to a consonant indicates that the accordant is lenited. frankincense, for exemplar, ‘ Gaelaċ ‘ has become ‘ Gaelach ‘. This dot-above diacritic, called a ponc séimhithe or sí buailte ( much shortened to buailte ), derives from the punctum delens used in chivalric manuscripts to indicate deletion, alike to crossing out undesirable words in handwriting nowadays. From this custom it was used to indicate the lenition of s ( from /s/ to /h/ ) and f ( from /f/ to zero ) in Old Irish text. Lenition of c, p, and t was indicated by placing the letter h after the affect consonant ; lenition of b, d, g, or m was left overlooked. late, both buailte and postpose h were extended to be indicators of lenition of any phone except l, n, and r, which could not be lenited. finally, use of the buailte predominated when text were written using Gaelic letters, while the h predominated when writing using Roman letters. today, Gaelic type and the buailte are rarely used except where a “ traditional ” vogue is required, e.g. the motto on the University College Dublin coat of arms [ 118 ] or the symbol of the irish Defence Forces, the irish Defence Forces crown badge (Óglaiġ na h-Éireann). Letters with the buailte are available in Unicode and Latin-8 character sets ( see Latin Extended Additional chart and Dot ( diacritical mark ) ). [ 119 ] Postposed h has predominated due to its public toilet and the lack of a character set containing the overdot before Unicode, although extending the latter method acting to Roman letters would theoretically have the advantage of making irish texts importantly shorter, peculiarly as a large parcel of the h -containing digraph in a typical irish text are silent ( ex. the above Lughbhaidh, the honest-to-god spell of Louth, which would become Luġḃaiḋ ) .

Spelling reform [edit ]

Around the time of the Second World War, Séamas Daltún, in charge of Rannóg an Aistriúcháin ( the official translations department of the irish government ), issued his own guidelines about how to standardise irish spell and grammar. This de facto standard was subsequently approved by the State and called the Official Standard or Caighdeán Oifigiúil. It simplified and standardised the orthography. many words had silent letters removed and vowel combination brought closer to the talk terminology. Where multiple versions existed in different dialects for the same give voice, one or more were selected. Examples :

  • Gaedhealg / Gaedhilg(e) / Gaedhealaing / Gaeilic / Gaelainn / Gaoidhealg / GaolainnGaeilge, “Irish language”
  • Lughbhaidh, “Louth” (see County Louth Historic Names)
  • Biadhbia, “food”

The standard spell does not necessarily reflect the pronunciation used in particular dialects. For exercise, in standard Irish, bia, “ food ”, has the genitive bia. In Munster Irish, however, the possessive is pronounced /bʲiːɟ/. [ 120 ] For this reason, the spelling biadh is distillery used by the speakers of some dialects, in detail those that show a meaningful and audible difference between biadh ( nominated font ) and bídh ( genitive shell ) “ of food, food ‘s ”. In Munster the latter spelling regularly produces the pronunciation /bʲiːɟ/ because final -idh, -igh regularly delenites to -ig in Munster pronunciation. Another case would be the word crua, meaning “ difficult ”. This pronounce /kruəɟ/ [ 121 ] in Munster, in credit line with the pre-Caighdeán spell, cruaidh. In Munster, ao is pronounced /eː/ and aoi pronounce /iː/, [ 122 ] but the new spellings of saoghal, “ life, global ”, possessive : saoghail, have become saol, possessive saoil. This produces irregularities in the match-up between the spell and pronunciation in Munster, because the word is pronounced /sˠeːl̪ˠ/, possessive /sˠeːlʲ/. [ 123 ]

See besides [edit ]

Notes [edit ]

  1. ^ irish was the first official language of the irish state ( 1937, Constitution, Article 8 ( 1 ) ). Irish is not wide used as an L2 in most of Ireland, but its use is encouraged by the government .

References [edit ]

Citations [edit ]

bibliography [edit ]

  • Caerwyn Williams, J.E. & Ní Mhuiríosa, Máirín (ed.). Traidisiún Liteartha na nGael. An Clóchomhar Tta 1979.
  • McCabe, Richard A.. Spenser’s Monstrous Regiment: Elizabethan Ireland and the Poetics of Difference. Oxford University Press 2002. ISBN 0-19-818734-3.
  • Hickey, Raymond. The Dialects of Irish: Study of a Changing Landscape. Walter de Gruyter, 2011. ISBN 3110238306.
  • Hickey, Raymond. The Sound Structure of Modern Irish. De Gruyter Mouton 2014. ISBN 978-3-11-022659-1.
  • De Brún, Pádraig. Scriptural Instruction in the Vernacular: The Irish Society and its Teachers 1818–1827. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies 2009. ISBN 978-1-85500-212-8
  • Doyle, Aidan, A History of the Irish Language: From the Norman Invasion to Independence, Oxford, 2015.
  • Fitzgerald, Garrett, ‘Estimates for baronies of minimal level of Irish-speaking amongst successive decennial cohorts, 117-1781 to 1861–1871,’ Volume 84, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 1984.
  • Garvin, Tom, Preventing the Future: Why was Ireland so poor for so long?, Gill and MacMillan, 2005.
  • Hindley, Reg (1991, new ed.). The Death of the Irish Language: A Qualified Obituary. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-4150-6481-1
  • McMahon, Timothy G.. Grand Opportunity: The Gaelic Revival and Irish Society, 1893–1910. Syracuse University Press 2008. ISBN 978-0-8156-3158-3
  • Ó Gráda, Cormac. ‘Cé Fada le Fán‘ in Dublin Review of Books, Issue 34, 6 May 2013:[1]
  • Kelly, James & Mac Murchaidh, Ciarán (eds.). Irish and English: Essays on the Linguistic and Cultural Frontier 1600–1900. Four Courts Press 2012. ISBN 978-1846823404
  • Ní Mhunghaile, Lesa. ‘An Eighteenth Century Irish scribe’s private library: Muiris Ó Gormáin’s books’ in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Volume 110C, 2010, pp. 239–276.
  • Ní Mhuiríosa, Máirín. ‘Cumann na Scríbhneoirí: Memoir’ in Scríobh 5, ed. Seán Ó Mórdha. Baile Átha Cliath: An Clóchomhar Tta 1981.
  • Ó hÓgáin, Dáithí. Labhrann Laighnigh: Téacsanna agus Cainteanna ó Shean-Chúige Laighean. Coiscéim 2011.
  • Ó Laoire, Muiris. Language Use and Language Attitudes in Ireland’ in Multilingualism in European Bilingual Contexts : Language Use and Attitudes, ed. David Lasagabaster and Ángel Huguet. Multilingual Matters Ltd. 2007. ISBN 1-85359-929-8
  • Shibakov, Alexey. Irish Word Forms / Irische Wortformen. epubli 2017. ISBN 9783745066500
  • Williams, Nicholas. ‘Na Canúintí a Theacht chun Solais’ in Stair na Gaeilge, ed. Kim McCone and others. Maigh Nuad 1994. ISBN 0-901519-90-1

literature [edit ]

Grammar and pronunciation [edit ]

Dictionaries [edit ]

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